Sasha Latypova and Katherine Watt have provided evidence the US Department of Defense (DOD) controls the Covid bioweapon program and its accompanying brutal propaganda and suppression of early treatment to coerce Americans to accept toxic spike protein-producing “shots in every arm.”
So who runs the DOD?
The media tells you it was President Joe Biden and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin who came up with the idea of ordering all American civilians and military to take leaky injections reportedly having metal particles, inconsistent ingredients across vials, no serial numbers, concealed death data, devastating neurological outcomes, and other horrific safety concerns.
Do you really think Biden and Austin conceived this operation, which also included harmful masking and lockdowns, and led the Pentagon in it?
Or could those dictating injection policies be the same [redacted] group directing the DOD since before the World Trade Center destruction of September 11, 2001?
Real bosses
In the 2007 video above, retired four-star US Army General Wesley Clark reveals who ran DOD policy before and after the attacks of September 11, explicitly to extend mass surveillance of US citizens without search warrants through the Patriot Act and for the takeover of countries to benefit [redacted], not America.
General Clark (video above):
What happened in 911 is we didn't have a strategy. …
We didn't have American understanding of it.
And we had instead a policy coup in this country — a coup, a policy coup.
Some hard-nosed people took over the direction of American policy, and they never bothered to inform the rest of us.
I went through the Pentagon ten days after 9/11, … and an officer from the Joint Staff called me into his office and said, “I want you to know, Sir, we're going to attack Iraq.”
And I said, “Why?”
He said, “We don't know.”
I said, “Well, did they tie Saddam to 911?”
He said, “No.” …
Well, I walked out of there pretty upset. And then we attacked Afghanistan. …
Then I came back to the Pentagon about six weeks later. I saw the same officer.
I said, “Why haven’t we attacked Iraq? We're still gonna attack Iraq?”
He said, “Oh, sir, it's worse than that.”
He pulled up a piece of paper off his desk. “I just got this memo from the Secretary of Defense that says we're going to attack and destroy the governments in seven countries in five years.
“We're going to start with Iraq. And then we're going to move to Syria, Lebanon, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, and Iran. Seven countries in five years.”
These people took control of the policy in the United States.
And I realized — it came back to me: a 1991 meeting I had with Paul Wolfowitz.
You know, in 2001, he was Deputy Secretary of Defense, but in 1991 he was the Undersecretary of Defense for Policy, the number three position in the Pentagon.
And I had gone to see him when I was a one star general. …
I thought I'll just go. Who can I see? I think I'll see Wolfowitz. So I called him up there, and he was available. Scooter Libby came to the door. I met Scooter for the first time.
And he brought me in, and I said to Paul, and this is 1991, “Mr. Secretary, you must be pretty happy with the performance of the troops. And Desert Storm.”
And he said, “Well, yeah, but not really. Because the truth is we should have gotten rid of Saddam Hussein, and we didn't.”
And this was just after the Shia uprising in March of ‘91, which we had provoked, and then we kept our troops on the sidelines and didn't intervene.
And [Wolfowitz] said, “But one thing we did learn — we learned that we can use our military in the region in the Middle East, and the Soviets won't stop us. And we've got about five or 10 years to clean up those old Soviet client regimes — Syria, Iran, Iraq — before the next great superpower comes on to challenge us.” …
It was a pretty stunning thing. I mean, the purpose of the military is to start wars and change governments? It's not to deter conflict? We're going to invade countries? …
This country was taken over by a group of people with a policy coup: Wolfowitz and Cheney and Rumsfeld, and you could name a half dozen other collaborators from the Project for a New American Century.
They wanted us to destabilize the Middle East, turn it upside down, make it under our control.
It went back to those comments in 1991. Now, did anybody ever tell you this?
Was there a national dialogue on this?
Did senators and congressmen stand up and denounce this plan?
Was there a full fledged American debate on it?
Absolutely not. And there still isn't.
And that's why we're failing in Iraq. Because Iran and Syria know about the plan.
All you have to do is read the Weekly Standard and listen to Bill Kristol. And he blabbermouths it all over the world.
Richard Perle the same way. They could hardly wait to finish Iraq so they could move into Syria.
Summary of Clark’s points
The policy of invading countries after 9/11 is not an American one. It is a [redacted] one.
Top US generals working within the Joint Chiefs of Staff had no idea why Iraq was being invaded when it had nothing to do with 9/11.
Those who decided to take down seven Middle East countries in five years after 9/11 were principally members of the Project for a New American Century (PNAC).
Ethnic bioweapon shots
PNAC’s policy paper Rebuilding America’s Defenses says genotype-specific bioweapons can be a “politically useful tool” (page 60):
[A]dvanced forms of biological warfare that can “target” specific genotypes may transform biological warfare from the realm of terror to a politically useful tool.
This is consistent with a former NIH scientist’s revelation that [redacted] military intelligence designed and deployed the Covid virus and injection campaign to harm certain ethnic groups, primarily people of European descent.
Why would our leaders advance the interests of [redacted] over those of Americans, whom they deceive, according to General Clark?
People of the Project for a New American Century
Directors
William Kristol, Co-founder and Chairman
Robert Kagan, Co-founder
Staff
Other director(s):
Ellen Bork, Deputy Director
Timothy Lehmann, Assistant Director
Senior fellows:
Giselle (formerly Thomas) Donnelly, Senior Fellow
Reuel Marc Gerecht, Senior Fellow
Gary Schmitt, Senior Fellow
Research associates:
Michael Goldfarb, Research Associate
Comptroller:
Dov Zakheim, Under Secretary of Defense (Comptroller) (2001-2004)
Former directors and staff
John R. Bolton, Director, former Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security Affairs (2001-2005) and United States Ambassador to the United Nations (2005-2006), former National Security Advisor of the United States (2018-2019), former senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI)
Daniel McKivergan, Deputy Director
Christopher Maletz, former Assistant Director
Richard N. Perle, former Assistant Secretary of Defense for Global Strategic Affairs under the Reagan administration, an AEI associate, and member (and former chairman) of the Defense Policy Board
Signatories to Statement of Principles
Elliott Abrams, National Security Advisor (2005-2009)
John Ellis "Jeb" Bush, Governor of Florida (1999-2007)
Dick Cheney, Vice President of the United States (2001-2009)
Eliot A. Cohen, Counselor of State Department (2007-2009)
Paula Dobriansky, Under Secretary of State for Democracy and Global Affairs (2001-2009)
Zalmay Khalilzad, Ambassador to Afghanistan (2003-2005), Ambassador to Iraq (2005-2007), Ambassador to United Nations (2007-2009)
I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby, Chief of Staff to Vice President (2001-2005)
Donald Rumsfeld, Secretary of Defense (2001-2006)
Paul Wolfowitz, Deputy Secretary of Defense (2001-2005)
Are there patterns that emerge from this that might help save Americans and Europeans from the deception and coercion we face?
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